The Luther Renaissance
Summary and Keywords
The Luther Renaissance is the most important international network for Luther research, as well as an ecclesial, ecumenical and cultural reform movement between 1900 and 1960 in Germany, Scandinavia, and Finland. It was the first exemplary attempt to construct theologically, under the conditions of modernity, a coherent unity of Reformation thought, based on various national discourses and with a focus on the person and experience of Martin Luther. For European Luther studies between 1910 and 1960, the impact of the Luther Renaissance is essential in regard to heuristics, methodology, and scientific results, as well as its ecclesial, cultural, and ecumenical applications. This impact, though declining since 1960, is still vivid, even in critiques and in the shift of paradigms in Luther research.
Recent research has comprehensively evaluated the national trends of the Luther Renaissance in Germany and in Sweden. Research has later addressed the Luther Renaissance in Denmark, Norway, and Finland.
Theologically, the German Luther Renaissance is the “other new start” in Protestantism after 1918, besides and alongside Dialectical Theology; scientifically, the Luther Renaissance responds to the crisis of historicism (e.g., in the work of Ernst Troeltsch) and is intertwined with the rise of Weberian-influenced religious history and sociology. It originated around 1910 with the gewissensreligiöse interpretation of Luther’s first Commentary on Romans (1515/1516, rediscovered and newly edited in 1908) by Karl Holl. Its visible breakthrough as a new theological paradigm came with Holl’s Luther, a comprehensive collection of his studies on Luther written between 1909 and 1921.
In Germany the Luther Renaissance included Karl Holl (1886–1926) and his school, most prominently Emanuel Hirsch (1888–1972); Carl Stange (1870–1959), and his network, including Rudolf Hermann (1887–1962) and Paul Althaus (1888–1966). It also comprised younger theologians such as Hans Joachim Iwand (1899–1960) or, in his early work, Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–1945).
The German Luther Renaissance emphasized the foundational status of the experience of justification in two respects: in terms of religion as a “worldview” (Dilthey) and as a social theory of confessions (Troeltsch, Weber). Concurrent neo-Idealistic and neo-Kantian philosophies of religion were the background for interpreting justification as a foundational and orientational religious experience in the “crisis of modernity” after 1918.
The elaboration of this program during the 1920s developed in different directions, with increasingly contradictory results in the two branches of the Luther Renaissance: the school of Karl Holl, and the German-Swedish network of Stange, Hermann, Nygren Runestam, and Aulén. After 1933 international cooperation within the Luther Renaissance disintegrated because of contradictory theological, ecclesial, and political positions in conformity with or in critique of the (church) politics of the German Nazi party, with its militarism, racism, and totalitarianism. The German Luther Renaissance had lost its international nature by the end of the 1930s.
Current and forthcoming research will have to evaluate historically the international network of the Luther Renaissance before 1933, between 1933 and 1945, and after 1945, including the function of political theologies within the Luther Renaissance—both the totalitarian, racist, and fascist types, and the liberal-democratic, welfare-state types. The foci of recent and forthcoming research are overarching topics of the international Luther Renaissance; source strata of the later reception of Luther, methodological constraints and deficits of different national discourses as possible reasons for the shift of paradigms around 1960, and the long-lasting impacts of the Luther Renaissance.
Keywords: Martin Luther, Lutherrenaissance, religion of conscience, Gewissensreligion, experience of justification, Rechtfertigungserlebnis, reformational breakthrough, simul iustus et peccator, promissio and fides, political theology, natural law, antisemitism
The German and Nordic Luther Renaissance—Definition and State of Research1
The Luther Renaissance (German, Lutherrenaissance) is both a highly influential theological and scientific network for Luther research and an ecclesial and cultural reform movement between 1900 and 1960 in Germany, Scandinavia, and Finland. It can be described as the first exemplary attempt to construct theologically, under the conditions of modernity, a coherent Protestant unity in the spirit of 16th-century Reformation theology, based on various national discourses and with a focus on the person and experience of “Luther.” For German and Nordic historical and constructive Luther research between 1910 and 1960 and its academic network, including its ecumenical ecclesial background in the international Luther-Academy and (after 1945) in the Lutheran World Federation, the impact of the Luther Renaissance is essential, in regard to heuristics, methodology, and scientific results as well as ecclesial, cultural and ecumenical applications. This impact, though declining since 1960, is still vivid in the critique and in the shift of paradigms in Luther research.
German Luther Renaissance
The German Luther Renaissance theologically is the “other new start”2 in Protestantism after 1918, besides and alongside Dialectical Theology; scientifically, the Luther Renaissance answers to the crisis of historicism and is intertwined with the rise of Weberian-influenced religious history and sociology.3 It originated around 1910 with the rediscovery4 and the gewissensreligiöse interpretation of Luther’s first Commentary on Romans 1515/1516) by Karl Holl. Its visible breakthrough as a new theological system came with Karl Holl’s book Luther in 1921, a comprehensive collection of his studies on Luther written between 1909 and 1921.5 It was organized around Holl’s famous anniversary speech of Holl of 1917, “Was verstand Luther unter Religion?,” and evaluated the thesis of Luther’s “religion of conscience” (Gewissensreligion) in view of Luther’s theology of justification and “certitude of faith” (Erwählungsgewissheit), his genuine Reformation morality, and his concept of the church as the royal kingdom of all baptized persons. Furthermore, studies on “Luther and the Enthusiasts” and on the cultural significance of the Reformation were intended to uncover the genuinely Lutheran—that is, pre-liberal—potential for a modern conception of society and culture. The study of Luther’s significance for the history and progress of hermeneutics (Auslegungskunst) is a landmark essay and demonstrates Holl’s own hermeneutics of experience and his view of language.
In Germany, the Luther Renaissance included Karl Holl (1886–1926) and his school, most prominently Emanuel Hirsch (1888–1972); Carl Stange (1870–1959) and his network, notably Rudolf Hermann (1887–1962) and Paul Althaus (1888–1966). It also comprised younger theologians such as Hans Joachim Iwand (1899–1960), Jochen Klepper (1903–1942), Walther von Loewenich6 (1903–1992), and, in his early work, Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–1945).7 Recent research has shown that Werner Elert (1885–1954) and Erich Seeberg (1888–1945) should not be counted as representatives of the Luther Renaissance, although they were loosely connected with it.
The German Luther Renaissance distinguished itself from Liberal Theology, from the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule8 (“religious-history school”), and from Dialectical Theology, in regard to the theology of justification, philosophy of religion, theories of the new Volkskirche (“people’s church,” since 1918), and political theology. It intended to make clear the foundational status of the experience of justification (Rechtfertigungserlebnis) in terms of philosophy of religion, and to respond to the Lebens- und Weltanschauungsanalyse (“life and worldview analysis”) of the Reformation era proposed by Wilhelm Dilthey. Concurrent neo-Idealistic and neo-Kantian philosophies of religion9 were the background for interpreting justification as a foundational and orientational religious experience in the “crisis of modernity” after 1918.
This program informed the German journal of the Luther Renaissance, Zeitschrift für Systematische Theologie (1923–1943), cooperating after 1925 with the Svensk Teologisk Kvartalsskrift.10 The institutional platform of the Luther Renaissance was the Apologetic Seminar in Wernigerode and, after 1932, the international Luther-Academy Sondershausen.11 The publishing strategy of the German Luther Renaissance and the Luther-Academy in cooperation with the conservative Bertelsmann-Verlag is now being comprehensively analyzed.12
The elaboration of this program during the 1920s developed in different directions, with increasingly contradictory results in the two branches of the Luther Renaissance:
(a) The Karl Holl School:13 Emanuel Hirsch, Erich Vogelsang (1904–1944), Hanns Rückert (1901–1974), Heinrich Bornkamm (1901–1977), Hermann Wolfgang Beyer (1898–1942), and Hans Georg Opitz (1905–1941). In 1933–1934 they supported fascist church policy and sympathized with the “German Christians,” while their publishing forum was the journal Deutsche Theologie; from November 1934 there was a split between Hirsch’s radically fascist “political theology” and the others, especially Hanns Rückert.14 Fritz Blanke (1900–1967, Swiss citizen since 1939) and Hajo Holborn (1892–1969, emigrated in 1934)15 were influenced by Holl but dissented from the Holl School’s political position.
(b) The German-Swedish-Network (Fig. 1): Carl Stange, Einar Billing, Rudolf Hermann, Paul Althaus, Anders Nygren, Arvid Runestam, Gustaf Aulén, and Hans Joachim Iwand. It was visible as an international network following the Swedish-German Convention of theologians on August 21–31, 1928. In 1933–1934 its leaders partially sympathized with the fascist church policy (Stange16), partially wavered on it (Althaus17), and partially opposed it and participated in the Confessing Church and voted for the Theological Declaration of Barmen in 1934 (Hermann18, Iwand; cf. Nygren’s position in 1933–193419).
The first branch of the Luther Renaissance, particularly Emanuel Hirsch, developed a religionsphilosophische and geschichtstheologische (“philosophy of religion and historical-theological”) conception of justification as a theory of social-political subjectivity. Justification offers religious certainty within the conflicts and antinomies of historical and political existence and its decisions. In the center stands the individual conscience and an antinomic concept of God (law versus gospel), based on the ethical-religious self-sacrifice of Jesus.
The second branch of the Luther Renaissance strove for linguistic clarification of the experience of justification. In the center stands the correlation of the divine promise and the dialogical and temporal being of the believing person. Here, the concept of justification does not offer theological legitimacy but emphasizes the free yet finite human responsibility for political actions (Hermann, Iwand).
Hence, the Luther Renaissance knew two diverse concepts or models of justification (further explicated below; see sections on Emanuel Hirsch and the Holl-School; Rudolf Hermann; Hans Joachim Iwand). The different ecclesial and political options during the period of National Socialism need to be evaluated in this light, but they should not be simply deduced from these diverse concepts or models.20
After 1933, international cooperation within the Luther Renaissance disintegrated because of contradictory theological, ecclesial, and political positions in conformity with or in critique of the (church) politics of the German Nazi party, with its militarism, racism, and totalitarianism. The German Luther Renaissance lost its international character by the end of the 1930s. Moreover, international and German participants renounced their cooperation within the international Luther-Academy (e.g. Geismar, Nygren, Hermann), owing to the reorganization of the Academy’s functions by Stange in favour of the church politics of the opportunistic German Evangelical Church (DEK) and the funding of the DEK by the German Ministry of Propaganda. The break between Carl Stange and Bishop Erling Eidem (the representative of the Swedish group) in 1942 was rooted in their antithetical views about the role and importance of Lutheran ecumenical relationships for the churches in fascist Germany (see recent research on the history of the Luther-Academy21 and the comprehensive correspondence of the Scandinavian network of Stange during 1920–1960).22 After 1945, Nygren and other representatives of the Swedish Luther Renaissance participated in the “reeducation” of German-speaking Lutheran political theology.23
Swedish Luther Renaissance
The Swedish Luther Renaissance (called by Lange “the other Luther Renaissance”) had originated as early as 1900, represented by Nathan Söderblom (1866–1931) and Einar Billing (1871–1939), as recent research shows.24 Its “contexts of discovery” were scientifically, culturally and ecclesially25 different from those of the German Luther Renaissance, and so were the methodological paradigms of the early Luther studies by Söderblom26 and Billing.27 In 1929 Aulén described the origin of Swedish Luther research, which occurred even earlier than in Germany, as Lutherrenaissance.28
Söderblöm, in Humor und Melancholie, offered a religious-psychological analysis of Luther’s piety and personalist mysticism. A comparison of speeches by Holl and Söderblom on the occasion of the 400th anniversary of the Reformation in 1917 is revealing.29 The Luther Renaissance’s research into mysticism questioned Söderblom’s typological distinction between mystical “Gelassenheit” and reformational “trust.” The idea of a negative certitude of faith as resignatio ad infernum, which Holl discovered in Luther’s first Commentary on Romans, is unknown to Söderblom. Holl’s30 (and later Nygren’s) interpretation of this negative certitude as an experience of the sheer and passive love of God (in the sense of being loved by God) marks a difference not only between his own and Söderblom’s position. The mysticism debate among Söderblom, Holl, E. Vogelsang, R. Seeberg, and E. Seeberg is significant for the research paradigm “Luther and mysticism” and for its heuristics.31 For Einar Billing’s early analysis of Luther’s concept of the state, the context of discovery was a threefold diagnosis of the “crisis” (revivalism, secularism and socialism, historicism).32 Particularly in regard to the reconstruction of Luther’s ethics and political ethics, the Swedish Luther Renaissance was different from the German Luther Renaissance and influenced by its own republican and welfare-state viewpoint.
The international importance of the Swedish Luther Renaissance became evident around 1925 in the works of well-known theologians: Anders Nygren33 (1890–1978), Gustaf Aulén34 (1879–1977), Ragnar Bring (1895–1988), Herbert Olsson35 (1899–1969) (Lund-School of Motiv-Forschung), Arvid Runestam (1887–1962), Torsten Bohlin (1889–1950) (Uppsala), and the early work of Gustaf Wingren36 (1910–2000).
Danish Luther Renaissance
Representatives of the Danish Luther Renaissance’37 included Eduard Geismar38 (1871–1939), Alfred Jørgensen (1874–1954), Regin Prenter39 (1907–1990), and later Leif Grane40 (1928–2000).41 Prenter’s concept of the Creator Spirit in the gospel as proclamation and sacrament takes up ideas from Grundvig. Piety is not understood religious-psychologically but phenomenologically and in terms of the ontology of person. This is very close to the view of Hermann. Recent research analyzes Prenter’s studies on the concept of worship, on Luther’s understanding of the Mass, and on Scandinavian theology of creation.42
Upcoming Research: Unity and Diversity within the Various Types of German and Nordic Luther Renaissance
Despite their different origins, contexts of discovery, and presuppositions, as well as their different rejections, which are conditioned politically, historically, and ecclesially, the German, Swedish, and Danish types of the Luther Renaissance (including the little-analyzed Norwegian and Finnish types) need to be analyzed more precisely in regard to their mutual relations and influence. This would shed more light on an essential aspect of the predecessors of current international Luther research. For example, in a recurring pattern transcending the national discourses of the Luther Renaissance, the unity of the “reformational” is found or constructed in the person and experience of Luther, especially the early Luther. In contrast, the doctrinal confessions of Lutheranism are regarded as problematic, in particular the Book of Concord and occasionally even the Augsburg Confession. The Danish theologian Regin Prenter says in his well-known monograph Spiritus Creator: “The Danish church is fortunate not to be bound confessionally to any form of Lutheran orthodoxy.”43 The authority of the reformational experience of the pre-confessional early Luther is used to relativize any confessions—that is, territorial and state documents of teaching and law, in which the year 1624 is defined as the founding date of the confessionalization. The impact of Melanchthon and Bugenhagen on the Reformation, however, is evaluated critically, and its historical analysis was delayed or hindered in the Luther Renaissance.
Current and forthcoming research will have to evaluate historically the international network of the Luther Renaissance before 1933, between 1933 and 1945, and after 1945, including the function of political theologies within the Luther Renaissance—both the totalitarian, racist, and fascist types and the liberal-democratic, welfare-state types. The foci of recent and forthcoming research are described below.
Central Topics in Luther’s Own Theology
• Luther’s concept of Gewissensreligion (Holl, Hirsch; Geismar; Nygren) and the establishing of the research paradigm “reformational breakthrough of the young Luther” within the framework of a (biblical) hermeneutics of iustitia dei and promissio (Holl, Hirsch, Vogelsang; Hermann, Prenter, Iwand; Bizer, Bayer).44
• The dialectics of justification and sanctification and the function of Luther’s idea of simul iustus et peccator for an ontology of person in faith and spirit45 and its unity with Christ (unio cum Christo); three approaches: (1) Holl, Vogelsang; (2) Hermann, Runestam, Prenter, Nilsson; (3) Manermaa, Elert.
• Linguistic analysis of the correlation between promissio and fides and the modus loquendi theologicus (Hermann, Iwand, Nygren, Grane).
• The rhetoric and symbolism of justification and atonement (Hermann, Aulén) and the Lutheran concept of Christology, including the doctrine of atonement (Hermann, Aulén, and Iwand on one side, and Hirsch and Vogelsang on the other).
• God’s justification as a theory of pure love: agape versus eros, and caritas-synthesis (Holl, Stange, Nygren).
• The discussion of natural law in Luther and Luther’s political theology, starting with the controversy between Troeltsch and Holl around 1920, a topic that became highly controversial between 1926 and 1935 (the German Volksnomos as law and gospel, in Hirsch, Elert, Althaus, and Stapel; gospel and law in Barth and Iwand), and that is still influential in Scandinavian creation theology, e.g, for Wingren, Prenter, and Logstrup after 1945.
• The significance of Scandinavian studies of Luther’s concept of two kingdoms and of political ethics for the “re-education” of German Lutheranism after 1945.
Concrete Patterns of Luther’s Reception (“Statistics” of de facto Reception)
• The role of the young Luther, particularly his Commentary on Romans, the early lectures on Psalms and on Hebrews (edited by Hirsch and Rückert), the rediscovery of Anti-Latomus, and the intense discussion of Anti-Erasmus,46 which was very different in the German and the Swedish Luther Renaissance.
• The highly disputed political writings of Luther on war (the Peasants’ War or the anti-Turkish war) and the reception of his later anti-Jewish writings by the German Luther Renaissance around 1933, compared to non-reception approaches in Nordic discourses.
• The widespread neglect of Luther’s later writings on Christology and sacramental theology, and the neglect of Luther’s later disputations and the lectures on Genesis (with the exception of Bornkamm).
Methodolocial Constraints and Deficits of the Different National Discourses Within the Luther Renaissance
• The reasons for the paradigm shift in the historiography of Reformation research around 1968 in Germany (research on the Reformation in towns, new perspectives on continuities between late medieval theology, forms of piety, and reforms,47 the paradigm of confessionalization,48 bi-, inter- and trans-confessionality), and the long-lasting impacts of the constructive heritage of the German Luther Renaissance.
• The reasons for the continuing impact of Holl’s Luther und die Schwärmer, adapted in various ways to marginalize the place of Anabaptists and Spiritualists in the German Reformation; on the Mennonite side, Holl’s conception of Schwärmer was used to distinguish between “true, evangelical Anabaptists” and “fanatical” Anabaptists.49
• The reasons for the breakdown of constructive and historical Luther research in Sweden around 1970.
• The reasons for the transformation of constructive and historical Luther research in Finland (the Manermaa school).
• The reasons for the continuity in the constructive and hermeneutical Danish interpretation of Luther, despite different theories of reformation.50
The German Luther Renaissance
“The German Luther Renaissance has certain contexts of discovery in the Luther-research of historicism (H. v. Treitschke, W. Dilthey, A.v. Harnack), theological liberalism (A. Ritschl) and the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule (E. Troeltsch) in late 19th century german humanities.”
Contexts of Discovery: The Metamorphoses of Historicism by Treitschke, Dilthey and Harnack; The German Luther, from Doctrine to Worldview, Daemonic Personality51
Heinrich von Treitschke, Wilhelm Dilthey, and Adolf von Harnack represent the metamorphosis of the historical interpretation of Luther’s person and theology in the generation after Leopold von Ranke. Treitschke’s address on the occasion of Luther’s 400th birthday, on November 7, 1883,52 represents the broad tendency of a national-political interpretation of Luther’s person. The “whole” Luther was being recognized, first and foremost, in historicism. He was the ideal image of the “German essence and German faith.” The new factor in these stereotypes is that Treitschke now defines the conditions for understanding the daemonic figure of Luther, with his inherent tensions, in national-cultural, and latently anti-French, terms. In association with the demand for a dominant Protestant culture in Germany, such a claim was open to racist appropriations.
Wilhelm Dilthey interpreted Luther as a “religious genius” and representative of the transformation of worldviews in the 15th and 16th centuries, on the way to the system of Geisteswissenschaften (the “humanities”) in the 17th century. Luther’s experience of justification expressed itself in a form of doctrine which essentially arose from presuppositions of older worldviews (original sin and Augustinianism, sacrifice and Paulinism, the medieval doctrine of the Lord’s Supper). These presuppositions, together with their doctrinal frame, were obsolete, while the experience of justification was to be interpreted in the light of those aspects that point to the future. The experience of justification includes the transition to the German religion of the spirit, to modern Idealism, and to the new, religious-social-ethical ideal of a faith-formed, secular, social way of life.
Adolf von Harnack’s thesis regarding Luther as a “daemonic personality” of post-dogmatic Christendom is symptomatic for the tectonic shift of reception in the age of historicism. Harnack moved into the center, though not for the first time, the historical-theological question of the relationship between Luther’s thinking and his ambiguous personality. Doctrine, or thought, is an expression of the historical-theological self-conception in a specific vocation (Beruf) and in the moral-political crises of the modern world. Luther’s daemonic personality offers an example of this.
Competing Cultural Syntheses: Luther’s Controversial Modernity
Ernst Troeltsch’s essay Luther und die moderne Welt (1908)53 is closely related to his overall historical viewpoint in Die Bedeutung des Protestantismus für die Entstehung der modernen Welt (1906/1911)54 and in the broader context of his Soziallehren (1912).55 The central theme of Troeltsch’s interpretation of Luther is not the initia Lutheri but the necessary development (in terms of cause and effect) of Protestantism’s effect on “the rise of modern culture, including its religious elements.”56 Proceeding from the question of conscience, Luther’s religion is characterized in four points as follows: (1) a religion of faith and knowledge, critical of the sacraments; (2) religious individualism, which overcomes dogma and hierarchical authority; (3) a practice of faith based on an ethics of conviction, transforming eschatology into a doctrine of the necessary emergence of the ultimate destiny of the person according to the soul’s religious and ethical character; and (4) openness toward the world in the form of an “inner-worldly asceticism.” This finally was based—surprisingly—on Luther’s unique concept of God: “The essential relationship of God and creature is originally an internal unity of the living element of divine grace, which exalts the finite creature to itself and sanctifies it for itself, not arbitrarily but essentially, not super-natural, but human nature essentially destined for its self-realization.”57 The idea of an ethical unity of will and life with God—an idea of absoluteness avant la lettre—makes the modern historical-theological idea of development possible. Troeltsch argues that Luther’s Christology of condescension prepared the way for this, even though it was contaminated by mythical (original state of humanity and the fall) and supernatural (God’s wrath) content as well as an authoritarian biblicism. In Luther’s concept of the church, his rational, religious-idealistic individualism and his authoritative-dogmatic concept of doctrine remained in tension with each other, thus pointing to the Neo-Protestant future.
Karl Holl: Luther’s Religion of Conscience (Gewissensreligion)
State of Research
The initiator of the German Luther Renaissance, the Berlin church historian Karl Holl, was the first scholar to analyze Luther’s lectures on Romans (1515/1516). Holl’s idea of Luther’s “religion of conscience” explained Luther’s experience of justification in a manner that turns theology into a doctrine of the dialectics of existence. This replaced, at least in principle, the previously dominant foundational understanding of justification as the basis of a worldview (Dilthey) or in the doctrinal form of a “value judgment” (Ritschl). Ritschl detected an entanglement of metaphysical and theological insights regarding God in Luther’s De servo arbitrio. This entanglement, a form of naturalism, burdens the doctrinal shape of Lutheran theology. Ritschl’s own doctrine of God’s justification and reconciliation contrasts this, in anti-metaphysical fashion, with a principle designated as “value judgment”: God is love. (Ritschl thus falls back on R. H. Lotze’s practical concept of “value” as subjective appropriateness of an objective phenomenon.) He explicated God’s justifying judgment on the sinner’s faith as “synthetic” (sensu Kant).
Holl attempted to redefine the genuine doctrinal form of Luther’s thinking by demarcating it from Ritschl’s interpretation: the young Luther did not regard God’s verdict of justification as a Christologically “synthetic” but rather as an “analytic” judgment of God. God acknowledges the sinner’s faith as righteousness in the conflictuous moment of temptation (God here is experienced not as pure love, but as an antinomic and holy sovereign in a clash of divine and human will), owing to the eternal fulfilment of God’s promise, which God guarantees. If God’s eternal judgment determines the “justification from above,” the “justification from below” unfolds in terms of a dialectic of conscience: faith experiences stages of ethical-religious conflicts of conscience with the holy God, which, under the impact of God’s effective predestination and the aporia of God’s holy, loving will alongside his wrath against unavoidable evil, can lead to the ultimate conflict—the resistance against or the surrender to divine rejection (tentatio, resignatio ad infernum).58 In the conflict engendered by election, the conscience, which continues to exist but surrenders its right to exist, recognizes God as God and experiences the full paradox of the justification of the godless, the “eternal moment.” The foundation of this twofold, theocentric and existential analysis of justification is also recognizable in other representatives of the Luther Renaissance; indeed, they all try to articulate them as consistently as possible. Holl’s more radical views became particularly influential under the influence of the German defeat in World War I. According to Holl, Luther’s religion of conscience contains the power of sacrificial love and the genuine principle of the community, as each person takes the other’s place, combining the concepts of Stellvertretung (“intercessio, intercession”) and the priesthood of all baptized believers. On this basis the Volkskirche and the national culture could be constructed anew after 1918. The institutions of society, based upon the Volk as “order of creation,” communicates the experience of justification as the power of self-sacrifice. The center of this ethics of conscience is the invisible community of conscience derived from “Luther’s concept of the church,” the kingdom of God.59 After 1918, this (supposedly) Lutheran social type of God’s kingdom as a community of conscience was contrasted confessionally with the (supposedly) Anglo-Saxon social type of God’s kingdom as empire. The attempt to construct a normative theory of culture based on Luther’s historical religion of conscience and the aporia of this attempt make Holl a contemporary of Troeltsch and Weber. Holl’s contribution to the theoretical discussions about religion around 1910 is to be found not in his analysis of the religious-philosophical problems of the concept of Gewissensreligion, but in the application of the concept of gewissensreligiöse subjectivity under the conditions of modernity.
Further Research on Holl, Troeltsch and Weber
In regard to historicism and the genesis of the Luther Renaissance, further research is needed on Holl as the central figure, including the whole breadth of his Patristic60 and Reformation studies and in the context of historicism. In regard to extreme nationalism and World War I, the theology of war plays an important role in the genesis of the Luther Renaissance. In 1916/1917 Holl published a historical and theological analysis under the title “The Significance of the Great War for the Religious and Ecclesial Life within German Protestantism.” This treatise refers to “great wars” as potentially significant for reforms of church order and for new theological formations. The development and motives of Holl’s theology of war can be reconstructed61 and should be analyzed more closely on the basis of Holl’s unpublished letters between 1914 and 1920. In regard to Lutheran confessional theories, Max Weber’s category of “charisma” in prophecy and ascetism was initially inspired by Holl.62 Holl recognizes that Luther’s religion of conscience should be interpreted as a particular type of “Western” charismatic religion of conscience and set in the context of Weber’s analyses of charismatic power (Herrschaft) and sociology of religion. In this perspective, Holl interprets Luther’s religion of conscience by including Luther’s concept of the church, Luther’s economical view of vocation, and Luther’s political concept of power and lordship. The three volumes of Holl’s Collected Essays can be understood as a comparative confessional study.63 Combining these with Holl’s unpublished letters can bring significant and distinctive research results, which will also be important for further research on Troeltsch and Weber.64
Emanuel Hirsch and the Holl School: Political Theology and Political Christology
State of Research
Emanuel Hirsch was not only Holl’s student but also the representative of a Luther Renaissance transformed into a specific political theology. He explicated justification as “an experience of certitude” in Fichte’s, and later Kierkegaard’s, framework. According to Hirsch, historical-political subjectivity exists in the dialectic of absoluteness and facticity and should be formulated in the context of a concept of intersubjectivity which integrates völkische, ethical-religious, and Christian dimensions. Hirsch’s political theology took up Holl’s thesis that Luther’s concept of the church and his ideal of society were to be defined by the community of conscience shaped by its consciousness of being an instrument of God. As an example of the personalistic social theories of his times, Hirsch’s thinking conceptualized social-political intersubjectivity as conflictual alienation. After 1926 he interpreted this basic situation of historical-political subjects before God as being under the law. He radicalized his views between 1926 and 1931 into a theology of the law, which postulates the necessity of the individual’s breakdown of subjectivity (that is, the co-origin of creation and sin) as the precondition of the existential transformation through the gospel (the experience of justification). Hirsch’s heterodoxy—according to which the historical “hour of National Socialism” is to be understood as a divine-historical call to decide to sacrifice oneself (e.g., the Volksnomos as “hidden sovereign,” the Führer as “revealed sovereign”65)—claimed to enrich Holl’s program with a political-theological concept of the law and a new Christology.66 In this sense, he saw himself as a legitimate heir of Luther.67 In fact, however, he transformed the topics of Volk, sacrifice, and freedom vs. bondage, and thus arrived at political interpretations of law and gospel. Hirsch’s anti-Judaism developed into a racist anti-Semitism (cf. the unpublished letter by Hirsch addressed to Wilhelm Stapel in the Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach, dated November 26, 1938). After 1943, Hirsch supported the annihilation of European Jews (the Shoah, or Holocaust) both consciously and absolutely (cf. the letters to Stapel from February 19/21, 1943 and March 14, 194368).
Recent studies have been dedicated to other representatives of the Holl school, particularly to the question of to what extent Holl’s patterns of interpreting Luther prepared the way for racialist and German-Christian positions in the later 1920s and 1930s, especially those of Heinrich Bornkamm69, Hanns Rückert,70 Erich Vogelsang,71 and Hermann Wolfgang Beyer.72 In 1933/1934, during the rise to power of the NSDAP (Nazi party), students of Holl propagated a racialist theology in their journal Deutsche Theologie. Hirsch also participated actively and prominently, but already in November 1934 he was isolated. The willingness to give up the legal autonomy (or semi-autonomy) of the Protestant Volkskirche in favor of a totalitarian national state church marked the difference between Hirsch’s fascist political theology and the positions of other students of Holl.
Hirsch doubtless represents the most problematic and complex type of Lutheran political theology in Germany. Research on this topic is restricted in regard to the use of unpublished sources, particularly his letters and other historical documents. His published works and academic contributions, however, are the subject of recent research. Thus, the expert on Luther, Fichte, and Kierkegaard and the sharp theorist of subjectivity, on the one hand73, and on the other the racist political theologian of the German Volk, have barely been considered comprehensively. This is an open question, since Hirsch understood himself, even after 1945, in view of the dialectical unity of his political-theological existence, which he interpreted according to a particular pattern of law and gospel.74
The contributions of Holl’s students to Luther research, the differences among themselves, the development of their extreme and racialist nationalism, and their anti-Judaic or anti-Semitic views need to be further analyzed comparatively and comprehensively. Posthumous editions are partially accessible (e.g., Althaus), while in other cases it is unclear whether and in what form they exist (e.g., Bornkamm, Vogelsang, Rückert).
Boundaries of the Luther Renaissance: Erich Seeberg and Werner Elert
Neither Erich Seeberg nor Werner Elert belonged to the network of the Luther Renaissance, but their positions help to clarify its boundaries. In the case of Seeberg, material convergences regarding particular topics, such as mysticism, have been analyzed and evaluated in the context of his fascist attitude and activities as a political scholar, while his contributions to Luther research has gone largely unnoticed.75
Elert was much more influential than Seeberg as a Luther scholar. On the one hand, he shows many similarities with Holl’s Luther interpretation, for instance in regard to hermeneutical methods (the heuristics of Luther’s reformational “breakthrough”), the starting point (the relation between the experience and the teaching of justification), and thematic emphasis such as conscience, law and gospel, divine freedom/human unfreedom, political theology, and Lutheran worldview. On the other hand, his results are characteristically different from Holl’s results, as recent research makes clear.76 Both start with the normative potential of Luther’s religion of conscience (Holl) or the confessional-morphological potential of Luther’s original experience (Elert). Holl, however, refers especially to Luther’s early writings (e.g., the first Commentary on Romans), whereas Elert refers to Luther’s later writings (the interpretation of Psalm 90; De servo arbitrio; the lectures on Galatians, 1531, and Genesis, 1535–1545). Both want to use Luther’s experience of the reformational “breakthrough” for the progress of evangelical teachings. For this purpose, they problematize traditional Lutheran teachings about reconciliation and justification. Holl criticizes the Lutheran confessions, particularly Melanchthon’s “forensic” doctrine of justification, for instance in the Augsburg Confession. Elert, however, interprets the “forensic” doctrine of justification as an adequate expression of Luther’s original experience. Holl problematizes the foundational framework of the teachings on reconciliation and justification. He criticizes and transforms several concepts: Luther’s incarnational Christology and the Christology of the confessions in the era post-Luther; the dialectic of the “personal union of Christ”; the “communication of attributes” in relation to the twofold office of Christ; and the “union with Christ.” Holl and his school elaborate a Christology of Urbild using Luther’s early texts about the theology of the Cross, while they neglect Luther’s incarnational Christology and his theology of the Lord’s Supper (Holl, Hirsch, Vogelsang).77 Werner Elert’s Morphologie des Luthertums, however, develops a Lutheran worldview particularly on the basis of Luther’s Christological concept of ubiquity and the corresponding ontology of time and space.78
Further differences are visible, as recent comparative studies on Hirsch and Elert (or Iwand and Elert) show: Hirsch and Elert both transform the doctrine of justification, the distinction between law and gospel, and Luther’s concept of God (Deus absconditus/revelatus; libertas as predicate of God alone) into rather heterodox political theologies. While Elert’s conception remains statist (etatistisch), albeit extremely nationalistic, Hirsch’s political theology includes a non-statist doctrine of sovereignty and intends to give theological legitimacy to the fascist worldview and the dictatorship of the NSDAP. Both want to use Luther’s theology for the ecclesial renewal of the Protestant Volkskirchen after 1918, but the representatives of the Luther Renaissance do not strive for confessionally determined Lutheran regional churches (Landeskirchen), as Elert does.79
The German-Swedish-Network around Stange: Hermann and Iwand
Rudolf Hermann develops (within the context of his critical engagement with Friedrich Schleiermacher’s theory of piety and Ernst Cassirer’s theory of symbolic forms) his concept of the experience of justification from the interplay of the rhetoric of promissio and assertio and the dialectic of the temporal-individual “being a person in faith.”80 This leads to his chief work, Luthers These “Gerecht und Sünder zugleich” (1930/1960)81. Its center is a dialogical and pneumatological concept of the person of the believer, determined simultaneously by God’s promise of righteousness and the reality of human sinfulness. The person of the believer is understood as being-in-transition, in two related regards (e.g., homo carnalis/homo spiritualis) and related to their symbolic forms of expression (e.g., the various forms of Christian prayer). The concept of justification here has the logic of a conversation between God and human beings (instead of a justification from above and from below). This is the non-paradoxical sense of the often paradoxical distinctions attributed to the expression simul iustus et peccator. Hermann showed how this formula opens the sources of the self and expresses a life of freedom in communion with God, determined by temporality and language. Believers understand themselves, their actions, and therein their bondage in the present precisely in their moral and political autonomy, as the location of the adventus of the liberation in faith. In turn, the promise of liberating autonomy at the location of the liberated conscience entails the individualization of lifetime within individual biography and communitarian practices.82 Hermann’s political ethics, though not democratic, did not fall captive to the totalitarian streamlining (Gleichschaltung) of all forms of social life and thought within the fascist ideology of the NSDAP, but instead confronted the latter critically. He supported the argument of his central thesis with linguistic-theological reflections about Luther’s Anti-Latomus (1521) regarding the truth and reality of the biblical-metaphorical term “justification.”
Whereas Hermann interpreted the Anti-Latomus, Hans Joachim Iwand concentrated on Luther’s debate with Erasmus (and his skepticism), especially in De servo arbitrio. The title of Iwand’s chief work, Glaubensgerechtigkeit nach Luthers Lehre, contains the concept “doctrine.”83 Luther’s assertions are dialectical doctrinal statements, that is, not direct, psychologically experienced statements but statements that make possible an “experience with experiences,” an experience of the second order hidden under its opposite: the statement on the unfree will does not articulate experiences of liberation directly, that is, psychologically.84 Rather, on the basis of reconciliation, which the Christian believer confesses in regard to the saving work of Jesus on the Cross, it acknowledges its own bondage, and its own yet hidden freedom, which is understood strictly as liberation from bondage. Faith in liberation, hidden under its opposite, bondage, and moral faith in autonomous freedom are open to each other, precisely because they are foreign to each other. Eventually, the assertions of the doctrine of justification have the first commandment as their subject, and the first commandment’s claim to life is verified in Jesus Christ, but only indirectly, hidden under the Cross. The justification of the sinner before God, which reaches its goal in the confession “I am godless,” correlates with this indirect verification of God in the Crucified One. In this way Iwand’s correlative concept of righteousness uses Holl’s dialectic of conscience and Hermann’s thesis of the simul, interpreting them through the fundamental distinction of law and gospel and the unity of God’s Word, being directed explicitly against Hirsch’s political theology of the law. Despite many points of contact, Iwand did not simply endorse Karl Barth’s “theology of the Word of God” and its criticism of the political theology of the law. He continually worked on Luther’s theologia crucis as a critical, political-ethical practice of life and on the task of the publicly, politically proclaimed law.85 A main question was how the liberation conveyed through the gospel could have an impact on Germany’s postwar society. Iwand’s support for a new order of the Evangelical Churches in Germany (EKD), built on a concept of confession of faith based not on confessional-legal statutes but on the contemporary relevance of confessional traditions, and his striving for political reconciliation with eastern Europe prior to the famous EKD memorandum on this topic (1965), were a result of his theology of justification and the Cross.86
The readings of Luther’s lectures on Romans from 1515/1516 by representatives of the Luther Renaissance encompass potentials as well as problems. Christine Põder demonstrates this tension in a reading of the interpretations by Karl Holl and Rudolf Hermann.87 Her article stands in the context of a larger research project intended to result in a monograph with the working title “The Transformations of the Negative Certitude: Luther’s Lectures on Romans in the Reformation Theology of the 20th Century.” Põder’s goal is an evaluation of the reception of Luther’s lectures on Romans as mirroring central concerns in the German Luther Renaissance, particularly in the works of Holl and Hermann, and discussing them from a Danish perspective. Additional comparative studies on northern types of Luther studies in post-confessional, and even post-Christian, contexts—concerning especially the German-Swedish branch of the Luther Renaissance—are a desideratum. Recently assembled international working groups88 work on these topics.
An urgent desideratum is a comprehensive, up-to-date monograph about Anders Nygren, which would assess his significance for the constructive theology of the international Luther Renaissance (not only for the Lund Motiv-geschichtliche School), including Nygren’s critical reception of Troeltsch after 1925 and his significance for the early church struggle in Germany after 1933, or for the buildup of the Lutheran World Federation after 1945 (he was its first president), including the new outlook on political ethics of international Lutheranism, and finally for the reorientation of Swedish theology toward Anglophone analytic philosophy (visible, e.g., in Nygren’s late writings).
Review of Literature
The first comprehensive analysis of the German Luther Renaissance as a whole is the 1994 monograph by Assel. It is a pioneering work that focuses on Holl, Hirsch, and Hermann. Assel’s recent overview article sheds light on other perspectives, too, until 1960.89 His article from 2014 offers a sketch of various Luther receptions and their theological, philosophical, and historical effects over a longer period, from Hamann and Herder onward.90 Comparative and constructive analyses of types of political theologies within the German Luther Renaissance are found in several works by Assel91 A comprehensive interpretation of the Luther Renaissance by a Canadian historian and expert on the German Reformation, particularly the Anabaptist movement, is Stayer, addressing methodological and political-contextual questions of German Luther research,92 and complemented by Riddoch’s study on Troeltsch and Holl.93
Since the early 2000s, the international German-Nordic Luther Renaissance was the focus of several conferences and of studies published in two volumes edited by Christine Helmer and Bo K. Holm.94 The most substantial comparative study of the Swedish Luther Renaissance between 1900 and 1968, in historiographical perspective, is offered in an article by Otfried Czaika.95 An overview from the perspective of constructive theology, from a post-liberal point of view, is given by Arne Rasmusson.96 An important contribution from the perspective of a contemporary witness of events is given by Carl Axel Aurelius.97 A pioneering work for the analysis of the origins of the Swedish Luther Renaissance are the new Söderblom-Biographie98 and the German translation of Söderblom’s works by Dietz Lange.
Further studies explore individual exponents of the German Luther Renaissance. Holm and Põder offer important studies on Karl Holl. While many works of Holl are publicly available, the elucidation of the unpublished sources, particularly around 775 (as of yet) letters by Holl written between 1890 and 1926, is the task of an editorial research project.99
The starting point for any discussion of Emanuel Hirsch, besides Assel’s critical analysis, is the affirmative reconstruction of Hirsch’s Christology by Barth.100 New studies on Hirsch’s political theology101 offer new perspectives but do not disclose new sources. Hirsch’s collected works began to be published in an edition that is planned to consist of forty-eight volumes. So far it includes many reprinted works, but since 2009 it has lost impetus. Moreover, the important volumes on Philosophy of History and Church Politics (Geschichtsphilosophie und Kirchenpolitik, vols. 34–35) and Collections (vols. 45–48), which document Hirsch’s activities as member of the fascist NSDAP, were announced but did not appear in print. Similarly, documents on Hirsch’s life also were announced but never published. In this light, it is important that there exists a collection of letters and other correspondence which can shed more light on these topics, in the German Literary Archive (Deutsches Literaturarchiv) in Marbach. We speak particularly about some 600 mostly handwritten letters from Hirsch to the influential German nationalist publicist Wilhelm Stapel (1882–1954) between 1931 and 1954, which are part of Stapel’s literary estate.102 This source is the essential basis for any future analysis of Hirsch’s Lutheran political theology between 1933 and 1945 (and afterward).
Rudolf Hermann has stimulated new interest in Scandinavian theology. Põder analyzes Hermann’s interpretation of Luther’s lectures on Romans, and Karin Johannesson reflects on Hermann’s claim that Luther uses “sanctification” as a temporal and not a quantitative concept, in the context of a Lutheran discussion with today’s growing interest in spirituality and spiritual training activities, such as pilgrimages and meditation. She compares it with Arvid Runestam’s interpretation of the freedom of a Christian and the bondage of the will, especially his insistence that we can contribute to our own growth in faith.
Neddens’s comparative analysis of the Christology and theologia crucis of Werner Elert and Hans Joachim Iwand is a reference work on this topic.103
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Holl, Karl. Der Osten (Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte II.). Edited by Hans Lietzmann. Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 1928.Find this resource:
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Holl, Karl. Kleine Schriften. Edited by Robert Stupperich. Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 1966.Find this resource:
Holl, Karl. Unpublished letters, Theological Faculty Greifswald.
Holl, Karl. Unpublished letters, Universitätsbibliothek Marburg, Adolf Jülicher HS 695:509-677: 172 letters (1890–1926).
Holl, Karl. Unpublished letters, Universitätsbibliothek Marburg, Martin Rade MS.839: 31 letters (1900–1926).
Holl, Karl. Unpublished letters. Universitätsarchiv Tübingen, Germany, Karl Müller 514/34,1: 26 letters (1909–1922).
Holl, Karl. Unpublished letters, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Adolf von Harnack Historische Abteilung, Bestand Arbeitsstelle Kirchenväterkommission, Nr. 5: 49 letters (1894–1905).
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Hermann, Rudolf. Gesammelte und nachgelassene Werke. Edited by Heinrich Assel et al. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967–1977.Find this resource:
Hermann, Rudolf. Luthers Theologie. Edited by Horst Beintker. Gesammelte und nachgelassene Werke 1. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967.Find this resource:
Hermann, Rudolf. Studien zur Theologie Luthers und des Luthertums. Edited by Horst Beintker. Gesammelte und nachgelassene Werke 2. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1981.Find this resource:
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Hermann, Rudolf. Theologische Fragen nach der Kirche. Edited by Gerhard Krause. Gesammelte und nachgelassene Werke 6. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim, and Gerhard Sauter. Glaubensgerechtigkeit: Lutherstudien. 2d ed. Munich: Kaiser, 1991.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Rechtfertigungslehre und Christusglaube: Eine Untersuchung zur Systematik der Rechtfertigungslehre Luthers in ihren Anfängen. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1930.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans. Nachgelassene Werke. Edited by Helmut Gollwitzer. Munich: Christian Kaiser, 1962–1967.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Glauben und Wissen. Nachgelassene Werke 1. Munich: Christian Kaiser, 1962.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Vorträge und Aufsätze. Nachgelassene Werke 2. Munich: Christian Kaiser, 1966.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Ausgewählte Predigten. Nachgelassene Werke 3. Munich: Christian Kaiser, 1967.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Gesetz und Evangelium. Nachgelassene Werke 4. Munich: Christian Kaiser, 1964.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Luthers Theologie. Nachgelassene Werke 5. Munich: Christian Kaiser, 1964.Find this resource:
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Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Nachgelassene Werke: Neue Folge. Edited by Ekkehard Börsch et al. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1998–2004.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Kirche und Gesellschaft. Edited by Ekkehard Börsch. Nachgelassene Werke: Neue Folge 1. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1998.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Christologie: Die Umkehrung des Menschen zur Menschlichkeit. Edited by Eberhard Lempp. Nachgelassene Werke: Neue Folge 2. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1999.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Theologiegeschichte des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts: “Väter und Söhne.” Edited by Gerard C. den Hertog. Nachgelassene Werke: Neue Folge 3. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2001.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Predigten und Predigtlehre. Edited by Albrecht Grözinger. Nachgelassene Werke: Neue Folge 5. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2004.Find this resource:
Iwand, Hans-Joachim. Dogmatik-Vorlesungen 1957–1960: Ausgewählte Texte zur Prinzipienlehre, Schöpfungslehre, Rechtfertigungslehre, Christologie, Ekklesiologie mit Einführungen. Edited by Thomas Bergfeld and Edgar Thaidigsmann. Berlin: Lit-Verlag, 2013.Find this resource:
Söderblom, Nathan. Offenbarung und Religion. Translated by Dietz Lange. Ausgewählte Werke 1. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011.Find this resource:
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Söderblom, Nathan. Jesus in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Translated by Dietz Lange. Ausgewählte Werke 3. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2014.Find this resource:
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Assel, Heinrich. “Karl Holl als Zeitgenosse Max Webers und Ernst Troeltschs. Ethikhistorische Grundprobleme einer prominenten Reformationstheorie.” In Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 127.2 (2016): 211–248.Find this resource:
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Holm, Bo Kristian. “Resources and Dead Ends in the German Lutherrenaissance: Karl Holl and the Problems of Gift, Sociality, and Anti-Eudaemonism.” In Lutherrenaissance: Past and Present. Edited by Christine Helmer and Bo Kristian Holm, 127–143. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015.Find this resource:
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(1.) Heinrich Assel, “Lutherrenaissance,” in Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, edited by Hans Dieter Betz (4th ed., Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck,2002), vol. 5, 606–608, focuses only on the German Luther Renaissance between 1910 and 1945; Heirich Assel, “The Use of Luther’s Thought in 19th Century and Luther Renaissance,” in The OxfordHandbook of Martin Luther’s Theology, edited by Robert Kolb et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 551–572, locates the German Luther Renaissance in the overall perspective of German Luther reseach from Hamann and Herder in the late 18th century, via the 19th century to the Luther Renaissance. The present article also considers current international research contributions. It offers the first comprehensive description of the Luther Renaissance as a German and Nordic network of Luther research between 1900 and 1960. The German Luther Renaissance is presented in more detail, and it is complemented by the contributions of Aurelius (Sweden), Gregersen (Denmark), Rasmussen (Norway), Raunio (Finland and the Baltics), in the ORE entry Martin Luther.
(2.) Heinrich Assel, Der andere Aufbruch: Die Lutherrenaissance—Ursprünge, Aporien und Wege: Karl Holl, Emanuel Hirsch, Rudolf Hermann (1910–1935) (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994).
(3.) Heinrich Assel. “Karl Holl als Zeitgenosse Max Webers und Ernst Troeltschs. Ethikhistorische Grundprobleme einer prominenten Reformationstheorie,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 127.2 (2016): 211–248.
(4.) Anfänge reformatorischer Bibelauslegung, Luthers Vorlesung über den Römerbrief 1515/16. I Die Glossen, II Die Scholien, edited by J. Ficker (Leipzig: Dieterich, 1908).
(5.) Karl Holl, Luther (Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte 1; Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 1921).
(6.) Walther von Loewenich, Luthers theologia crucis (Munich: Kaiser, 1929, 6th ed. 1982); Walther von Loewenich, Luther’s Theology of the Cross (Belfast: Christian Journals, 1976).
(7.) Less prominent representatives are G. Wehrung (1880–1959), A. Köberle (1935–1941), F. K. Schumann (1886–1960), E. Sommerlath (1889–1983), G. Kittel (1888–1948), and others. On Kittel, see Horst Junginger, “Gerhard Kittel—Tübinger Theologe und Spiritus rector der nationalsozialistischen ‘Judenforschung’,” in Täter und Komplizen in Theologie und Kirchen 1933–1945, edited by Manfred Gailus (Göttingen, Germany: Wallstein, 2015), 81–112.
(8.) Christine Helmer, “Luther, History and the Concept of Religion” in Lutherrenaissance: Past and Present, edited by Christine Helmer and Bo Kristian Holm (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,2015), 174–188.
(9.) Risto Saarinen, Gottes Wirken auf uns: Die transzendentale Deutung des Gegenwart-Christi-Motivs in der Lutherforschung (Stuttgart: Steiner-Verlag-Wiesbaden, 1989); Rudolf Hermann, Religionsphilosophie (Gesammelte und Nachgelassene Werke 5; Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995).
(10.) Letter from A. Nygren to C. Stange 17.07.1925, Staatsbibliothek Berlin, NL 333/22/126: “Ihre Befürchtungen, dass unsere neue schwedische Zeitschrift die schwedischen Mitarbeiter von Ihrer systematischen Zeitschrift wegziehen werde, sind sicherlich unbegründet. Denn es war von Anfang an berechnet, dass diese und jene (sic!) Aufsatz der schwedischen Zeitschrift auch in der deutschen erscheinen könnte […].”
(11.) Gunnar Appelqvist, Luthersk samverkan i nazismens skugga: Sverige och Lutherakademien i Sondershausen 1932–1945 (Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 1993); Carl Axel Aurelius, “Den svenska Lutherrenässansen,” Vår lösen 90 (1999): 526–535; Torleiv Austadt, “75 Jahre Luther-Akademie: Geschichte und Aufgaben,” in Wohlfahrt und langes Leben: Luthers Auslegung des 4. Gebots in ihrer aktuellen Bedeutung, edited by Friedrich-Otto Scharbau (Erlangen: Martin-Luther-Verlag, 2008), 26–44; Torleiv Austad, “Die Verbindungen der Luther-Akademie Sondershausen mit den nordischen Kirchen 1932–1945,” in Aufbruch und Orientierung: Zur Gegenwart der Theologie Luthers, edited by Joachim Heubach (Erlangen: Martin-Luther-Verlag, 2000), 11–29; Dorothea Ott and Martin Seils, Die Luther-Akademie Sondershausen: Eine Dokumentation (Münster: Lit-Verlag, 2003).
(12.) Saul Friedländer et al. Bertelsmann im Dritten Reich, Vol. 1. Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002; Vol. 2, Bertelsmann Gesamtverzeichnis 1921–1951 (Munich: Bertelsmann, 2002).
(13.) Thomas Kaufmann and Harry Oelke, Evangelische Kirchenhistoriker im “Dritten Reich” (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2002).
(14.) Heinrich Assel, “Emanuel Hirsch: Völkisch-politischer Theologe der Lutherrenaissance,” in Für ein artgemäßes Christentum der Tat: Völkische Theologen im “Dritten Reich,” edited by Manfred Gailus and Clemens Vollnhals (Göttingen, Germany: V&R Academic, 2016), 43–67; Heinrich Assel, “»Barth ist entlassen … « Emanuel Hirschs Rolle im Fall Barth und seine Briefe an Wilhelm Stapel,” Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 91 (1994): 445–475.
(15.) Hajo Holborn, “Karl Holl geb. 15. Mai 1866, gest. 23. Mai 1926,” Deutsche Vierteljahreszeitschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 5 (1927): 413–430; Gerhard Ritter, “Die emigrierten Meinecke-Schüler in den Vereinigten Staaten: Leben und Geschichtsschreibung zwischen Deutschland und der neuen Heimat; Hajo Holborn, Felix Gilbert, Dietrich Gerhard, Hans Rosenberg.” Historische Zeitschrift 284 (2007): 59–102.
(16.) Heiner Fandrich, “Carl Stange und die nordeuropäische Lutherrenaissance” (diss., University of Greifswald, 2016).
(17.) Gotthard Jasper, Paul Althaus (1888–1966): Professor, Prediger und Patriot in seiner Zeit (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 2013); Tanja Hetzer, “Deutsche Stunde: Volksgemeinsch aft und Antisemitismus in der politischen Theologie bei Paul Althaus (Munich: Allitera-Verlag, 2009); Roland Liebenberg, Der Gott der feldgrauen Männer: Die theozentrische Erfahrungstheologie von Paul Althaus d. J. im ersten Weltkrieg (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2008).
(18.) Heinrich Assel, Der du die Zeit in Händen hast: Briefwechsel zwischen Rudolf Hermann und Jochen Klepper 1925–1942 (Munich: Christian Kaiser, 1992).
(19.) Anders Nygren, The Church Controversy in Germany: The Position of the Evangelical Church in the Third Empire (London: Student Christian Movement Press, 1934).
(20.) Assel, “Der andere Aufbruch.”
(21.) Austad, “Verbindungen.”
(22.) Fandrich, “Carl Stange.”
(23.) Andreas Stegmann, “Die Geschichte der Erforschung von Martin Luthers Ethik,” Lutherjahrbuch 79 (2012): 211–304; Andreas Stegmann, “Bibliographie zur Ethik Martin Luthers,” Lutherjahrbuch 79 (2012): 305–342.
(24.) Dietz Lange, “Eine andere Luther-Renaissance,” in Luthers Erben: Studien zur Rezeptionsgeschichte der reformatorischen Theologie Luthers; Festschrift für Jörg Baur zum 75. Geburtstag, edited by Notker Slenczka and Walter Sparn (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck, 2005), 245–274; Czaika, “Melanchthon neglectus: Das Melanchthonbild im Schatten der schwedischen Lutherrenaissance,” Historisches Jahrbuch 129 (2009):291–329; Arne Rasmusson, “A Century of Swedish Theology,” Lutheran Quarterly 21 (2007): 125–162; Kjell Ove Nilsson, “Den svenska lutherrenässansen,” Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift 78 (2002): 50–63; Carl Axel Aurelius, “Den svenska Lutherrenässansen,” Vår lösen 90 (1999): 526–535.
(25.) Lange, “Nathan Söderblom.”
(26.) Lange, “Nathan Söderblom.”
(27.) Czaika, “Melanchthon neglectus.”
(28.) Gustaf Aulén, “Det teologiska nutidsläget,” Svensk Teologisk Kvartaskrift 5 (1929): 119–146; Gustaf Aulén, “Nathan Söderblom och Einar Billing—kontraster i samverkan: Föredrag vid Teologiska föreningens i Uppsala 100-årsjubileum,” Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift 38 (1962): 206–222; Carl Axel Aurelius, “Den svenska lutherrenässansen,” Vår lösen 90 (1999): 526–535; Kjell Ove Nilsson, “Den svenska lutherrenässansen,” Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift 78 (2002): 50–63; Mary Elizabeth Anderson, Gustaf Wingren and the Swedish Luther Renaissance (New York: Peter Lang, 2006).
(29.) Nathan Söderblom, “Lagreligion, Mystik, Förtröstan,” in Humor och Melankoli och andra Lutherstudier, edited by Nathan Söderblom (Stockholm: Sveriges Krist Studentrörelses Förlag, 1919), 321–337; Nathan Söderblom, Der “Prophet” Martin Luther, translated by Dietz Lange (Ausgewählte Werke 4; Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015); Karl Holl, Was verstand Luther unter Religion? (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 1917; extended ed., 1921), 1–110. See also Assel, “Der andere Aufbruch,” 140–163; Lange, “Nathan Söderblom,” 416–430.
(30.) Christine Svinth-Værge Põder, “Die Lutherrenaissance im Kontext des Reformationsjubiläums: Gericht und Rechtfertigung bei Karl Holl, 1917–1921,” Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 26 (2013): 191–200; Christine Svinth-Værge Põder, “Gewissen oder Gebet: Die Rezeption der Römerbriefvorlesung Luthers bei Karl Holl und Rudolf Hermann,” in Lutherrenaissance: Past and Present, edited by Christine Helmer and Bo Kristian Holm (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015), 54–73.
(31.) Erich Vogelsang, “Luther und die Mystik,” Luther-Jahrbuch 19 (1937): 32–54; Erich Vogelsang, Die Anfänge von Luthers Christologie nach der ersten Psalmenvorlesung (Berlin and Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1929); Erich Vogelsang, Umbruch des deutschen Glaubens von Ragnarok zu Christus (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 1934); Volker Leppin, “In Rosenbergs Schatten: Zur Lutherdeutung Erich Vogelsangs,” Theologische Zeitschrift 61 (2005): 132–142; Else Marie Wiberg Pedersen, “Mysticism in the Lutherrenaissance,” in Lutherrenaissance: Past and Present, edited by Christine Helmer and Bo Kristian Holm (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015), 87–105.
(32.) Einar Billing, Luthers Lära om staten i dess samband med hans reformatoriska grundtankar och med tidigare kyrkliga läror (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1900).
(33.) Anders Nygren, “Intellectual Autobiography,” in The Philosophy and Theology of Anders Nygren, edited by Charles Kegley (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1970), 3–29; Anders Nygren, Eros und Agape:Gestaltwandlungen der christlichen Liebe, 1, translated by Irmgard Nygren (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1930); Anders Nygren, Eros und Agape: Gestaltwandlungen der christlichen Liebe, 2, translated by Irmgard Nygren (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1937); Anders Nygren, Meaning and method: Prologomena to a Scientific Philosophy of Religion and a Scientific Theology, translated by Philip S. Watson (London: Epworth, 1972).
(34.) Gustaf Aulén, Christus Victor: An Historical Study of the Three Main Types of the Idea of Atonement, translated by A. G. Hebert (London: Wipf & Stock, 1931); earlier, Gustaf Aulén, “Die drei Haupttypen des christlichen Versöhnungsgedankens,” Zeitschrift für Systematische Theologie 8 (1930): 501–538.
(35.) Anderson, “Gustaf Wingren,” 66–68.
(36.) Anderson, “Gustaf Wingren.”
(37.) Niels Henrik Gregersen, ed., Lutherbilleder i dansk teologi 1800–2000 (Frederiksberg: Anis, 2012).
(38.) Jens Holger Schjørring, Theologische Gewissensethik und politische Wirklichkeit: Das Beispiel Eduard Geismars und Emanuel Hirschs, translated by Eberhard Harbsmeier (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1979).
(39.) Regin Prenter, Spiritus creator, studier i Luthers theologi (diss., Aarhus Universitet, 1944); Regin Prenter, Der barmherzige Richter, Iustitia dei passiva in Luthers Dictata super Psalterium 1513–1515 (Aarhus and Copenhagen: Universitetsforlaget, 1961); Regin Prenter, “Lutherforschung in Skandinavien seit 1945,” Lutherische Rundschau16 (1966): 353–372; Regin Prenter, “Ein Beitrag zur Lutherforschung aus Dänemark,” Luther (1978): 88–95.
(40.) Leif Grane, Contra Gabrielem, Luthers Auseinandersetzung mit Gabriel Biel in der Disputatio Contra Scholasticam Theologiam 1517 (Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1962); Leif Grane,Modus loquendi theologicus: Luthers Kampf um die Erneuerung der Theologie (1515–1518) (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1975).
(41.) A unique representative is Knud E. Løgstrup, Den erkendelsesteoretiske konflikt mellem den transcendeltal-filosofiske idealisme og teologien (Copenhagen: Samlerens, 1943), which is indebted to Loewenich, “ Luthers Theologia crucis”; see also Johann-Christian Põder, Evidenz des Ethischen: Die Fundamentalethik Knud E. Løgstrups (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck, 2011).
(42.) Bo Kristian Holm, “Den Gud, der er kœrlighed: Regin Prenter och Luther,” in Lutherbilleder i dansk teologi 1800–2000, edited by Niels Henrik Gregersen (Frederiksberg: Anis, 2012), 255–273; Ådne Njå, Det ånder himmelsk over støvet: Faser i Regin Prenters grundtvigske paktsteologi (Oslo: Teologiske Fakultet, 2008); Arthur Macdonald Allchin, “Regin Prenter: A Personal Tribute,” Grundtvig-Studier, Grundtvig-Selskabets Årbog 42 (1991): 20–22; Michael Root, “Creation and Redemption: A Study of their Interrelation, with Special Reference to the Theology of Regin Prenter” (diss., Yale University, 1979).
(43.) Prenter, “Spiritus creator,” 299.
(44.) Assel, “Der andere Aufbruch,” 65f.
(45.) Ernstpeter Maurer, Der Mensch im Geist: Untersuchungen zur Anthropologie bei Hegel und Luther (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1996); for research history in ecumenical perspectiv see Wilhelm Christe, Gerechte Sünder: Eine Untersuchung zu Martin Luthers »simul iustus et peccator« (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2014).
(46.) Anders Kraal, “Free Choice, Determinism, and the Re-evaluation of Luther in Twentieth-Century Swedish Theology,” Studia Theologica 67 (2013): 28–42.
(47.) Poul Georg Lindhardt, “Luther und Skandinavien,” In Luther und die Theologie der Gegenwart: Referate und Berichte des Fünften Internationalen Kongresses für Lutherforschung, Lund, Schweden 14.–20. August 1977, edited by Leif Grane and Bernhard Lohse (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980), 134–144.
(48.) Thomas Kaufmann, “Die Konfessionalisierung von Kirche und Gesellschaft: Sammelbericht über eine Forschungsdebatte (part 1),” in Theologische Literaturzeitung 121 (1996): 1009–1025; Thomas Kaufmann, “Die Konfessionalisierung von Kirche und Gesellschaft. Sammelbericht über eine Forschungsdebatte, (part 2),” Theologische Literaturzeitung 121 (1996): 1112–1121; Thomas Kaufmann, “Konfessionalisierung,” in Enzyklopädie der Neuzeit (Stuttgart: Metzler, 2007), vol. 6, 1053–1070.
(49.) James M. Stayer, “‘Luther und die Schwärmer’: Karl Holl und das abenteuerliche Leben eines Textes,” in Außenseiter zwischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit: Festschrift für Hans-Jürgen Goertz, edited by Norbert Fischer and Marion Kobelt-Groch (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1997), 169–188.
(50.) Anna Vind, “Approaching 2017,” Studia Theologica 65 (2011): 115–133.
(51.) Sections 1, 2, 3, and 5 use material from Assel, “The Use of Luther’s thought.”
(52.) Heinrich von Treitschke, Aufsätze, Reden und Briefe, edited by Karl Martin Schiller (Meersburg: Hendel, 1929), 233–249.
(53.) Ernst Troeltsch, “Luther und die moderne Welt,” in Schriften zur Bedeutung des Protestantismus für die moderne Welt (1906–1913), edited by Trutz Rendtorff and Stefan Pautler (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2001), 59–97.
(54.) Ernst Troeltsch, “Die Bedeutung des Protestantismus für die moderne Welt,” in Schriften zur Bedeutung des Protestantismus für die moderne Welt (1906–1913), edited by Trutz Rendtorff and Stefan Pautler (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2001), 199–316.
(55.) Ernst Troeltsch, Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 1994 .
(56.) Troeltsch, “Bedeutung des Protestantismus,” 314f.
(58.) Bo Kristian Holm, “Resources and Dead Ends in the German Lutherrenaissance: Karl Holl and the Problems of Gift, Sociality, and Anti-Eudaemonism,” in Lutherrenaissance: Past and Present, edited by Christine Helmer and Bo Kristian Holm (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015), 127–143; Christine Svinth-Værge Põder, “Die Lutherrenaissance im Kontext des Reformationsjubiläums: Gericht und Rechtfertigung bei Karl Holl, 1917–1921,” Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 26 (2013): 191–200.
(59.) Holl’s contribution to the study of Luther’s ethics is shown by Stegmann, “Die Geschichte der Erforschung.”
(60.) Cf. his recently edited main oeuvre, Karl Holl, Epiphanius, Ancoratus und Panarion haer., I: Text; II: Addenda und Corrigenda; Mit einem Geleitwort v. Christoph Markschies, edited by Marc Bergemann (GCS NF 10, 1–2) (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2013); III: Register zu Bd. I–III (GCS NF 13) (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006).
(61.) Heinrich Assel, “‘Man stellt es überall mit Freude fest, daß der Krieg das Beste aus uns hervorgeholt hat’” (Karl Holl, 1914): Lutherrenaissance im Krieg und Nachkrieg,” in Kirche und Krieg: Ambivalenzen in der Theologie, edited by Friedemann Stengel and Jörg Ulrich (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2015), 119–138.
(62.) Max Weber, Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen: Das antike Judentum; Schriften und Reden 1911–1920, edited by Eckart Otto (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 2005 [1917–1920]), 52–57, 82–85.
(63.) Heinrich Assel. “Karl Holl als Zeitgenosse Max Webers und Ernst Troeltschs. Ethikhistorische Grundprobleme einer prominenten Reformationstheorie,” in Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 127.2 (2016): 211–248; Sonia Riddoch, “The Ernst Troeltsch-Karl Holl Controversy and the Writing of Reformation History” (diss., Queen’s University [Ontario], 1997).
(64.) On Holl’s unpublished letters, see Primary Sources.
(65.) Emanuel Hirsch, Die gegenwärtige geistige Lage im Spiegel philosophischer und theologischer Besinnung: Akademische Vorlesungen zum Verständnis des deutschen Jahrs 1933 (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1934); Emanuel Hirsch, “Vom verborgenen Suverän,” Glaube und Volk 2 (1933): 4–13.
(66.) Emanuel Hirsch and Hanns Rückert, LuthersVorlesung über den Hebrärerbrief: Nach der vatikanischen Handschrift (Berlin and Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1929); Ulrich Barth, Die Christologie Emanuel Hirschs: Eine systematische und problemgeschichtliche Darstellung ihrer geschichtsmethodologischen, erkenntniskritischen und subjektivitätstheoretischen Grundlagen (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1992).
(67.) Emanuel Hirsch, Lutherstudien I (= Drei Kapitel zu Luthers Lehre vom Gewissen) (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1954); Emanual Hirsch, Lutherstudien II (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1954).
(68.) Assel, “Der andere Aufbruch”; Heinrich Assel, “Grundlose Souveränität und göttliche Freiheit: Karl Barths Rechtsethik im Konflikt mit Emanuel Hirschs Souveränitätslehre,” in Karl Barth in Deutschland (1921–1935): Aufbruch—Klärung—Widerstand, Internationales Symposion in Emden 2003, edited by Michael Beintker et al. (Zürich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 2005), 205–222.
(69.) Hartmut Lehmann, “Heinrich Bornkamm im Spiegel seiner Lutherstudien von 1933 bis 1947,” in Evangelische Kirchenhistoriker im “Dritten Reich,” edited by Thomas Kaufmann and Harry Oelke (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2002), 367–380.
(70.) Berndt Hamm, “Hanns Rückert als Schüler Karl Holls: Das Paradigma einer theologischen Anfälligkeit für den Nationalsozialismus,” in Evangelische Kirchenhistoriker im “Dritten Reich,” edited by Thomas Kaufmann and Harry Oelke (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2002), 273–309.
(71.) See Volker Leppin, “In Rosenbergs Schatten: Zur Lutherdeutung Erich Vogelsangs,” Theologische Zeitung 61 (2005): 132–142.
(72.) Irmfried Garbe, Theologe zwischen den Weltkriegen: Hermann Wolfgang Beyer (1898–1942); Zwischen den Zeiten, Konservative Revolution, Wehrmachtsseelsorge (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2004).
(73.) Emanuel Hirsch, Christliche Rechenschaft. Bearb. von Hayo Gerdes, edited by Hans Hirsch (Tübingen, Germany: Katzmann, 1989); Emanuel Hirsch, Das Wesen des Christentums, edited by Arnulf von Scheliha (Waltrop: Spenner, 2004); Emanuel Hirsch, Das Wesen des Reformatorischen Glaubens, edited by Arnulf von Scheliha (Waltrop: Spenner, 2000).
(74.) Emanuel Hirsch, Schöpfung und Sünde in der natürlich-geschichtlichen Wirklichkeit des einzelnen Menschen: Versuch einer Grundlegung christlicher Lebensweisung (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 1931).
(75.) Thomas Kaufmann, “‘Anpassung’ als historiographisches Konzept und als theologiepolitisches Programm: Der Kirchenhistoriker Erich Seeberg in der Zeit der Weimarer Republik und des ‘Dritten Reiches’,” in Evangelische Kirchenhistoriker im “Dritten Reich,” edited by Thomas Kaufmann and Harry Oelke (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2002), 122–272; Thomas Kaufmann, “Der Berliner Kirchenhistoriker Erich Seeberg als nationalsozialistischer Theologiepolitiker,” in Täter und Komplizen in Theologie und Kirchen 1933–1945, edited by Manfred Gailus (Göttingen, Germany: Wallstein-Verlag, 2015), 216–243.
(76.) Cf. the comprehensive comparative analysis in Neddens, “Politische Theologie”; Notger Slenczka, Selbstkonstitution und Gotteserfahrung: W. Elerts Deutung der neuzeitlichen Subjektivität im Kontext der Erlanger Theologie (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999); for Elert and Holl cf. Thomas Kaufmann, “Werner Elert als Kirchenhistoriker,” Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche (1996): 193–242.
(77.) Uwe Rieske-Braun, Duellum mirabile: Studien zum Kampfmotiv in Martin Luthers Theologie (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999).
(78.) Werner Elert, Morphologie des Luthertums, vol. 1: Theologie und Weltanschauung des Luthertums hauptsächlich im 16. und 17. Jh.; vol. 2: Soziallehren und Sozialwirkungen des Luthertums (Munich: Beck, 1931–1932).
(79.) Werner Elert, Ecclesia militans: Drei Kapitel von der Kirche und ihrer Verfassung (Leipzig: Dörffling & Franke, 1933); Werner Elert, “Die Lutherische Kirche im neuen Reich,” Luthertum 48 (1937): 33–46.
(80.) See article “Promise,” in ORE.
(81.) Rudolf Hermann, Luthers These “Gerecht und Sünder zugleich”: Eine systematische Untersuchung (Gütersloh: Evangelischer Verlag Der Rufer/Bertelsmann, 1930; 2d ed., Darmstadt, 1960); Wilhelm Christe, Gerechte Sünder: Eine Untersuchung zu Martin Luthers »simul iustus et peccator« (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2014).
(82.) Reinhard Vollmer, Gott Recht geben - im Gebet: Zur anthropologischen Bedeutung der Rechtfertigungslehre bei Rudolf Hermann und Hans Joachim Iwand (Bad Salzuflen: MBK-Verlag, 2006); Karin Johannesson, Helgelsens filosofi: Om andlig träning i luthersk tradition (The Philosophy of Sanctification: On Spiritual Training in Lutheran Tradition) (Stockholm: Verbum, 2015); Karin Johannesson, “Lutheran Spiritual Theology in a Post-Christian Society,” in Justification in a Post-Christian Society, edited by Carl-Henric Grenholm and Göran Gunner (Cambridge, U.K.: James Clarke, 2015), 137–154.
(83.) Hans-Joachim Iwand, Glaubensgerechtigkeit: Lutherstudien, edited by Gerhard Sauter (2d ed.; Munich: Kaiser, 1991); Hans-Joachim Iwand, Rechtfertigungslehre und Christusglaube: Eine Untersuchung zur Systematik der Rechtfertigungslehre Luthers in ihren Anfängen (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1930).
(84.) Ernstpeter Maurer, Der Mensch im Geist: Untersuchungen zur Anthropologie bei Hegel und Luther (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1996).
(85.) Hans-Joachim Iwand, Nachgelassene Werke, Neue Folge, edited by Ekkehard Börsch et al. (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1998–2004), vol. 1, Kirche und Gesellschaft, edited by Ekkehard Börsch (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1998), vol. 2, Christologie: Die Umkehrung des Menschen zur Menschlichkeit, edited by Eberhard Lempp (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1999).
(86.) Christian Neddens and Gerard C. den Hertog, eds., Über das Zusammenleben in einer Welt: Grenzüberschreitende Anstöße Hans Joachim Iwands (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2014).
(87.) Christine Svinth-Værge Põder, “Gewissen oder Gebet: Die Rezeption der Römerbriefvorlesung Luthers bei Karl Holl und Rudolf Hermann,” in Lutherrenaissance: Past and Present, edited by Christine Helmer and Bo Kristian Holm (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015), 54–73.
(88.) Carl-Henric Grenholm, ed., Justification in a Post-Christian Society (Cambridge, U.K.: James Clarke, 2015), 137–154.
(89.) Assel, “Die Lutherrenaissance.”
(90.) Assel, “The Use of Luther’s Thought.”
(91.) Heinrich Assel, “Politische Theologie im Protestantismus 1914–1945,” in Politische Theologie: Formen und Funktionen im 20. Jahrhundert, edited by Jürgen Fohrmann and Jürgen Borkhoff (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2003), 67–79; Heinrich Assel, “Political Theology after Luther—Contemporary Perspectives,” in Lutherrenaissance: Past and Present, edited by Christine Helmer and Bo Kristian Holm (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015), 189–206; Heinrich Assel, “Politia Christi und Symbolik des Todes Jesu. Zwei Anamnesen zur Transformation der Lutherrenaissance,” in Transformations in Luther’s Reformation Theology: Historical and Contemporary Reflections, edited by Christine Helmer and Bo Kristian Holm (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2011), 60–84.
(92.) James M. Stayer, German Saviour: German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther 1917–1933 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000).
(93.) Sonia A. Riddoch, “The Ernst Troeltsch-Karl Holl Controversy and the Writing of Reformation History” (diss., Queen’s University [Ontario], 1996).
(94.) Helmer and Holm, Transformations; Helmer and Holm, Lutherrenaissance.
(95.) Czaika, “Melanchthon neglectus.”
(96.) Arne Rasmusson, “A Century of Swedish Theology,” Lutheran Quarterly 21 (2007): 125–162.
(97.) Carl Axel Aurelius, “Den svenska Lutherrenässansen,” Vår lösen 90 (1999): 526–535.
(98.) Dietz Lange, Nathan Söderblom und seine Zeit (Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011).
(99.) See Primary Sources.
(100.) Barth, Ulrich. Die Christologie Emanuel Hirschs. Eine systematische und problemgeschichtliche Darstellung ihrer geschichtsmethodologischen, erkenntniskritischen und subjektivitätstheoretischen Grundlagen. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1992.
(101.) Alf Christophersen, Kairos: Protestantische Zeitdeutungskämpfe in der Weimarer Republik (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr, 2008); Andreas Holzbauer, Nation und Identität (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck, 2012).
(102.) Moreover, the Marbach Literary Archive contains ca. seventy-five letters from Hirsch to the fascist writer Hans Grimm (1875–1959), which are part of Grimm’s literary estate.
(103.) Neddens, “Politische Theologie.”